Remarks Presented at Asia Society Texas Luncheon Program

By Clark T. Randt, Jr.
Ambassador to China

Houston, November 21, 2001

I'm delighted to be in Houston today and I'm grateful to the Asia Society here for giving me this opportunity to meet all of you and to say a few words about our relationship with China. I've been involved with China for many years in many different roles: as a student of Chinese at Harvard Law School's East Asian legal studies center, in the United States Air Force, as our commercial Attaché in our Embassy in Beijing in the early eighties, as a lawyer in Hong Kong and, most recently, as the Ambassador of the United States of America to China.

For me, this job is a dream come true and, as I have told recent visitors, I wouldn't trade it for anything. Many of you may wonder what an Ambassador does all day. Outsiders have offered varying views. Some have said the art of diplomacy is saying, 'nice doggie,' till you can find a big stick. Wags have suggested that a diplomat is someone sent abroad to eat for his country. Others see the diplomat as, of course, a conciliator and promoter of good relations between two countries. These are true to a point but do not go nearly far enough.

My most important role as Ambassador is to advocate and advance the significant interests of the United States of America in China.

Our interests overlap with Chinese interests in many important areas. In other areas, however, the Chinese are taking positions at odds with United States interests and values. In those cases, it's not my job to smooth things over. In those cases, it's my job to talk straight about our differences.

9/11-A World Transformed

Let me begin by noting that September 11 was a defining moment in United States-China relations. On the evening of September 11 in Beijing, President Jiang was watching the news on CNN when the events unfolded live. Despite significant anti-American sentiment within China's ruling circles, a residue of the Belgrade bombing and EP-3 incidents, among others, the Chinese response, led by President Jiang, was immediate and unconditional. By 0130 on September 12, only a few hours after the attacks, President Jiang had sent a message to President Bush expressing his sympathy and condolences and offering the support of the Chinese government in combating terrorism. At the same time, Foreign Minister Tang sent Secretary Powell a message, which said that "in the fight against terrorism, the United States and China stand side by side." This support was noted and appreciated by President Bush who called President Jiang on September 12 to thank him.

When the coalition retaliated against the terrorists hiding in Afghanistan, China's Foreign Ministry spokesperson said that China supported the strikes against terrorism. China, as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, joined with the United States in supporting resolutions aimed at stopping the terrorists. China, also, began to cooperate with us by meaningful intelligence sharing.

That China would respond this way could not have been taken for granted. Consider from the founding of the People's Republic in 1949 and confirmed at the Bandung Conference of 1955, China has presented itself as the champion of the third world. This legacy was reflected in the Chinese reluctance to fully support the United States and its allies during the Gulf War and in its opposition to the NATO intervention in Serbia. China sat those international actions out on the sidelines.

Now China is actively engaged with the international community of nations. China has just joined the WTO agreeing to abide by its rules that govern international trade in goods and services. China recently hosted the successful APEC leaders' summit with its leaders' statement on counterterrorism and has been selected to host the Olympic Games in 2008. China has also chosen to be a participating member of the international coalition against terrorism.

As I mentioned earlier, China's participation is not the result of any devil's bargain. Being a valuable member of the coalition does not mean that China receives a free pass with respect to issues of non-proliferation, human rights, religious freedom or Taiwan. It does not mean, as the President said in Shanghai, that China could use terrorism as an excuse to persecute its ethnic minorities.

United States-China Relations

This brings me to the larger topic of United States-China relations. The administration believes that a prosperous, stable and peaceful China is in the interest of the United States and in the interest of peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region and globally. One of my tasks is to provide positive re-enforcement for the view held by some in China that China's long-term interests lie in a candid, cooperative and constructive relationship with the United States.

Too often our relations with China have followed a boom or bust pattern. The ups and downs illustrate the old adage that "experience means being able to recognize a mistake when you make it again." But when it comes to China, I can promise you that the Bush administration wants to learn from the mistakes of past administrations, not repeat them. We want to get rid of unrealistic expectations, but at the same time we must keep up a steady and constructive pressure to move the relationship in positive directions. Our future requires that we get it right.

President Bush, himself, has set the stage for a more stable relationship - he's a straight talking Texan who tells it like it is. A case in point is the EP-3 incident of last April when a Chinese jet pilot accidentally collided into one of our surveillance planes over international airspace, killing himself and nearly killing 24 American service men and women by his actions. The leaders of both countries had a problem that landed in their respective laps with no advance notice. Chinese overreaction - and a hostage crisis - could have damaged our relationship for a long time. Fortunately, this did not happen. President Bush stood firm from the outset, and made it clear what we would and would not do to resolve the situation. There was no ambiguity. In fact, ambiguity does not serve our national interests. On the contrary, it encourages adventurism.

In the case of the EP-3, the President's firm and clear stand resolved short-term tensions quickly. As President Bush described this early test of himself and the relationship in a recent People's Daily interview, "... we were very calm, both sides were calm, both sides gathered the facts and both sides worked to resolve an incident that could have been a difficult incident. But it wasn't. It turned out to be a much more peaceful resolution than a lot of people in the world thought was possible."

And so it was.

United States National Interests in the Asia-Pacific Region

We need to be equally straightforward in all aspects of our relationship. China is not a "strategic partner" nor are they an enemy. As Secretary Powell has said, our relationship with China is too multi-faceted and too complex to be characterized by a single catch phrase. We need to look with clear eyes at the whole relationship - the good and the bad, the possibilities and the perils.

In pursuing our aims, we have differences that we need to address frankly. The important point is that we can manage these differences without becoming enemies, as we do with many other countries. Let me mention some of these differences:

Non-Proliferation

The September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have made non-proliferation a "friend or foe" issue. It is essential that all nations, including China, cooperate with the United States and the international community to limit the spread of missile technology and weapons of mass destruction. We do not want Chinese materials or technology involved in the production and delivery of weapons of mass destruction to wind up in the wrong hands. September 11 has shown the world that terrorists will not hesitate to use such weapons, and they are actively looking for them. This is a wake up call for all civilized countries.

The experience and discussions we have had in the aftermath of our November 2000 agreement with the Chinese on non-proliferation suggest that they are not serious enough about an effective export control regime for sensitive items. I should be crystal clear on this point. Non-proliferation is a make or break issue for us. We are not going to back away from our bottom line.

Rule-of-Law, Human Rights and Religious Freedom

Rule of law, human rights, and religious freedoms are other areas of grave concern to the President and myself. On these issues we take a two-pronged approach.

In areas where we can cooperate, we promote rule-of-law programs with China. Although vastly improved from 20 years ago, the Chinese legal system is still far from adequate. Almost 90 percent of their judges have little, if any, legal training. Separation of powers and judicial independence are new concepts. The communist party still exerts tremendous pressure on the judicial process. Many Chinese leaders recognize these problems and are working with western organizations to bring about legal reforms. Starting recently, judges are required to have legal training. The United States government, as well as many American non-governmental organizations, sponsors a number of legal training and publishing programs designed to improve the situation in China. China generally welcomes this technical assistance.

On human rights and religious freedom, however, progress has been more difficult. In pressing for increased respect for religious freedom and human rights, we do not shrink from confrontation. The embassy produces annual reports on human rights and religious freedom in China. In these reports, which are mandated by congress, we strive to tell it like it is - noting areas of improvement, but coming down hard on cases where the Chinese have violated international norms. These reports are available (in both English and Chinese) on our Embassy website, www.usembassy-china.org.cn.

Our repeated message to the Chinese is this: if China wants to become a responsible member of the international community, then it must be judged by the norms of behavior accepted by the civilized world, as such are articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other United Nations' covenants.

In Shanghai, President Bush made the importance of his religious faith to him personally clear to President Jiang and asked that China permit religious freedom. I, personally, make a point of emphasizing American concerns about religious freedom and human rights in all of my major public statements. The president asked me, in representing our great country abroad, not to leave my American values at home.

Taiwan

Taiwan is a third area where we need to be very direct in our dealings with China. The United States provides Taiwan with defensive articles and services necessary to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability. This policy is in accord with the three communiqués and the Taiwan relation's act. We do not discuss specific arms sales with Beijing. China can reduce Taiwan's perceptions of the need to increase its defensive capabilities through its own behavior. For example, Chinese missile tests in the Taiwan Straits in 1996, and increasing Chinese deployment of missiles along its Eastern Coast more recently, led directly to Taiwan's desire to enhance its defensive capabilities. We see our arms sales as helping the people of Taiwan to have the confidence to deal with their counterparts across the strait. We still have a One-China Policy. We believe that Taipei and Beijing must work out their disagreements peacefully, in a manner acceptable to the people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. President Bush has made it quite clear that an unprovoked use of force to resolve this issue would be unacceptable to the United States.

Common Interests

Let me now turn to areas of common interest. The economic and social changes in China over the past 20 years are staggering. As I rode into central Shanghai from the Pudong airport with President Bush for the September APEC meetings, the President noted his astonishment at the development that had taken place since his last visit in 1975. When I first visited China in 1974, there was no traffic problem -- there were hardly any cars. Chinese citizens might be sent to jail just for talking to me. Fashions were easy - unisex Mao outfits in drab blue, gray or green.

Membership in the World Trade Organization

The positive vote on China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) earlier this month, followed a day later by Taiwan's, is a watershed event. After 15 years of negotiations, WTO trade ministers unanimously voted in favor of China's application, bringing a market of 1.3 billion people into the global trading system. We strongly supported China's entry as part of the process of including China into the rules-based system that governs commerce among the world's leading economies. To be a member of WTO, China has to open up its markets to international access. More importantly, China's legal system has to conform to international standards of fairness and transparency.

I note in passing that we had an $84 billion trade deficit with China in the year 2000. This is in part because American markets are already open, while Chinese markets are not. WTO will work to reduce this disparity.

Tensions on the Korean Peninsula

Our common interests are not limited to the economic sphere. China has played a vital role in pushing forward the peace process on the Korean Peninsula. During his September visit to North Korea (his first in 11 years), President Jiang played a helpful role to improve ties between that reclusive regime and the rest of the world. He encouraged North Korea to try Chinese style market reforms. North Korea is an excellent example of an area in which China is playing a responsible and constructive role as a regional power.

Environmental and Health Issues/Law Enforcement

Transnational problems such as environmental protection and HIV-AIDS are international issues that cannot be effectively addressed without China on the team. China's size and population make it a key player and this is particularly true in the environmental and health areas. We are cooperating on combating drug trafficking and alien smuggling.

Conclusion

I've spoken long enough and I want to leave some time for your questions. Let me sum up: in the 21st Century, China will exert a powerful influence in the Asia-Pacific region. Size does matter. Over one billion people cannot be ignored. For its part, China must recognize that the United States presence in the Asia Pacific is long term and promotes peace and stability in the region. We want China to become a responsible member of the world community because that would be good for the United States, good for your children and grandchildren and good for mine. There will be differences, but if we manage these differences in a cooperative and constructive manner, the world will be a safer and better place.

I want to personally thank the people of Texas for giving the country my ultimate boss, President Bush. Serving as your Ambassador to China is truly an honor and a privilege as well as a humbling responsibility. Thank you.