Co-Organized
by the Asia Society and American International Group (AIG)
A Peace with Freedom
Speech
of His Excellency
President Joseph Ejercito Estrada
at the Asia Dinner
New
York, 28 July 2000
I THANK
the Asia Society, its Chairman, Mr. Hank Greenberg, and
President, Ambassador Nick Platt for this great opportunity
and honor to meet with you.
Heads of Asian States, including my own, have come to this
city and met with the good members of the Asia Society to
see if they might be able to catch the attention of the
financial and cultural capital of the world. Even if only
briefly, on behalf of their distant lands. As a Filipino,
I could lay claim to an important edge over your other visitors:
I represent a people whose association with you no other
in the far east can easily match - a relationship that has
spanned more than one hundred years and which has taken
many forms.
No other country in the region has patterned so many of
its democratic institutions - from its legal and political
systems to its business and educational systems - so closely
to yours. The Philippines has three million Filipinos living
among you as fellow citizens and permanent residents. And
no other ally in the region has stood by you through all
the wars in the last six decades - from the Pacific war
to the Korean war, from the Vietnam war to the Cold War.
But much has happened to the global community since our
partnership underwent its last transition in the early 90's,
when American military presence in my country ended. So,
I make this visit - the first by a Philippine President
in the new millennium - to enhance our century-old alliance
and guide it to a new era of partnership. In this new world
order, with interdependence and new security challenges
intensifying. We anticipate the character of our alliance
to make another transition.
As with any long-standing partnership, our alliance has
seen both bad times and good. One difficult phase occurred
within the first year of my watch, during the deliberations
over the Visiting Forces Agreement or VFA. The VFA sought
to allow US military forces to conduct joint military exercises
and training with our forces in Philippine territory. It
also provided the legal framework for the treatment of US
personnel during the period of the exercises and training.
The debate was intense and the fight was no small political
feat. Once the decision was made to pursuit it, however,
my administration stood its ground and faced the opposition
head on. The VFA was ratified and Philippine-American Defense
Cooperation has been revitalized.
Political and economic challenges such as this have marked
the first two years of my term as President, the financial
and economic crisis that affected our region was triggered
from beyond our borders and control. Yet had an inevitable
impact on our economy, especially in the banking, industry
and other sectors.
Other crises, such as what hit our Philippine Stock Exchange
earlier this year, have had a more domestic character, surfacing
from within our private and public institutions. These events
cannot be excused nor brushed aside and they have served
to pinpoint areas that required reform. Yet, even as they
have served as a wake-up call, they also, ironically, have
been the best demonstration of the basic soundness of our
economic fundamentals and the resilience of our political
system.
It is generally conceded that among the countries directly
affected by the Asian crisis, the Philippines managed to
pull itself through relatively unscathed.
In 1998, during the worst year of the crisis, the Philippines
recorded a GDP contraction of only half a percent. That
contraction could not even be primarily attributed to the
original financial crisis but rather to the impact of adverse
weather on our agriculture.
Last year, Philippine GDP grew by 3.2 percent. And for the
first semester of this year, we anticipate a GDP increase
of over 4 percent.
My assertions on the resilience of the Philippine economy
are not mine alone. Allow me to quote from a recent IMF
study on the Philippines, entitled Philippines: Toward sustainable
and rapid growth. "On balance," it says, "the
Philippine economy has been able to weather the regional
crisis better than most of its neighbors, reflecting more
favorable starting conditions as well as the pragmatic implementation
of sound macroeconomic policies."
The report attributed the creditable performance of the
Philippines during and in the aftermath of the crisis to
"favorable starting conditions" and sound economic
policies and management.
The first refers to the fact that, compared to our neighbors,
the Philippines had less time to enjoy the Asian boom -
and therefore less time to overload on cheap foreign credit
and its other excesses - before the crisis struck. It is
the second, however, the sound economic policies and management,
which is the more interesting story but which, unfortunately,
is often brushed aside.
The Philippines is one of the most open economies, a result
of a series of market-oriented reforms to liberalize, deregulate
and restructure the economy that our government started
putting in place since 1986, and a legacy that my administration
continued. These reforms and policies had the effect of
making the economy more resilient to cope with the crisis
when it came.
Specifically, barriers to investment were removed in key
industries such as power, telecommunications, banking, insurance,
domestic aviation, oil and mining, foreign exchange controls
were lifted after 40 years of a regulated regime. The entry
of foreign equity and investors was facilitated. Import
restrictions were lifted and tariffs reduced.
Despite the many calls to resort to protectionist measures
during the crisis, my administration continued to uphold
these policy and structural reforms. The alternative would
have seen a reversal of the gains from deregulation and
liberalization.
Beyond those basic macro-economic reforms I have just mentioned
are other areas that have received the priority attention
of my administration.
I am happy to inform you that in recent months we had several
home-runs with the Philippine Congress, and we anticipate
more in the next few months.
Last March, I signed into law the new General Banking Act,
which, among other things - enables the adoption of internationally
accepted banking supervision and regulation standards. In
the same month, we enacted the Retail Trade Law, which opened
our retail trade to foreign companies after a century of
protection.
Last June, about two weeks before the US Congress was able
to do the same, our Congress passed a landmark E-Commerce
Act. This Act provides the legal framework governing both
commercial and non-commercial transactions through the Internet.
It provides penalties for computer crimes.
Finally, just two weeks ago, I affixed my signature to a
new Securities Act, which aligns the regulation of capital
markets with international practices on full disclosure.
The Act is a milestone in our efforts to reform and deepen
Philippine Capital Markets.
Other important pieces of legislation I am pushing include
the Omnibus Power Bill and Amendments to the Omnibus Investment
Incentives Act. The Power Bill, which will further deregulate
and privatize the power sector, is now in the Bicameral
Conference Committee.
I am also pushing for the early enactment of an AntiRacketeering
Law with anti-money laundering provisions, and a Bill that
seeks to further strengthen the supervision capacity of
the Central Bank. These are for instituting greater transparency,
accountability and good governance in our public and corporate
sectors.
Just as important, by taking more concerted efforts to pro-fit
our education system and upgrade our communications infrastructure,
my administration is equipping our most important resource
- our people - for the global knowledge economy.
You may have heard that your country, the United States,
recently garnered the top ranking in the global new E-Economy
Index, which maps the "technological vitality"
of the world's 47 leading economies. The Philippines did
well, too, being ranked number 26 overall. Well ahead of
most of our neighbors and Italy, Brazil, Mexico, China and
Korea. We were adjudged the world's number 1 in the category
of knowledge jobs. That put us ahead of Australia, the US,
Canada and France, in terms of qualified engineers, availability
of its skills, availability of Senior Management and higher
education enrollment.
As Captains of Industry and pillars of American business,
you will not have failed to notice that the reforms my administration
is continuing and those that we have - begun all take the
strategic view. They are not short-term, unsustainable palliatives.
Not only are they intended to address weaknesses laid bare
by the crisis; they are meant to further fortify Philippine
Economic-Foundations, and brace the country for the challenges
and opportunities of the new economy. We are building for
the future now.
And this same orientation is what we have for the other
aspects of our national life. Yes, we want long-term prosperity,
so we yearn and now work hard for lasting peace.
You have heard, without a doubt, about the difficulties
we have recently been facing in the southern part of the
country.
For so long, the peace of the nation and the authority of
the state have been threatened by elements seeking to dismember
our land. Like all free nations that fought long and hard
for their independence, we cannot allow this sorry situation
to fester.
My government's first aim in Mindanao is to restore and
maintain peace for without peace development will be a pipe
dream. We know that poverty and the long government neglect
that bred it are the roots of our present travails. But
any government earnestly seeking to redress this wrong will
fail if lawlessness runs rampant.
Accordingly, my government has been seeking to uphold its
authority and solemn duty under the Constitution to preserve
the integrity of our nation. We cannot allow lawless violence
and barbaric terrorism to run our country down.
The reconstruction and socio-economic development efforts
in Mindanao have begun. We will not stop until we uplift
the lives of all Filipinos there. We will actively talk
peace ad actually build it with everyone who sincerely seeks
it.
When I sought and assumed the Philippine presidency two
years ago, my overriding ambition was to give the best I
can back to the nation that has been so good to me. That
has not changed. It has only crystallized into the three-pronged
goal I now wish to win for my country.
I want my people to enjoy peace, but only with freedom,
I want my people to savor prosperity, but only with fairness,
and I want my people to experience stability, but only with
openness.
Our road to lasting peace, sustained prosperity and social
stability may be long and arduous. But one thing is certain,
our journey is now underway, and it will be much more difficult
if we are so foolhardy as to try to do it all alone.
As my predecessors in office had done in the past, we actively
seek the support and cooperation of friendly countries and
partners.
In this global village, a nation's life and fate are inextricably
linked with those of others. This is as true to us - in
East Asia as it is in Europe and to yourselves in the Americas.
For interdependence, integration and cooperation are the
guideposts of today and tomorrow.
East Asian integration is on the march. In the economy sphere,
ours is already one of the most integrated developing regions
in the world. Our production networks are so closely interlinked.
Intra-Regional Trade and Tourism are rising fast, even the
gyrations of our currency and equity markets are highly
correlated.
Consider for instance China, a country which for so long
was a world unto itself. Before its opening to the world
in the late '70s, China's economic ties with its neighbors
were small or negligible. The trade volume between China
and Japan was only a little over one billion US dollars
in 1972; by 1999, it was more than 66 billion US dollars.
Last year, China's two-way trade with South Korea was 25
billion US dollars, and with the major economies of Southeast
Asia. Nearly 27 billion US dollars, indeed, China's trade
with its east Asian neighbors now exceeds that between China
and America or between China and Europe.
Of course, the clearest proof yet of how closely linked
east Asian economies are with one another was our common
experience of three yearsd bad. Bad because the fundamentals
of individual economies were summarily disregarded. And
good because east Asians came to realize that they must
count on each other's understanding and support.
Thus, the Asians contributions to the financial packages
for South Korea, Thailand and Indonesia. Thus, China's restraint
from devaluing the Yuan. Thus, the new Miyazawa initiative
and the Obuchi plan. And last, the ASEAN economic and financial
surveillance process.
And the spirit lives on. At the summit of ASEAN leaders
with the leaders of China, Japan and Korea, which I chaired
in Manila last year, we issued our firstever resolve to
collaborate more closely towards regional stability, peace
and prosperity.
Since that trailblazing document, economic ministers from
the thirteen east Asian countries have identified nine areas
for enhanced cooperation, such as information technology
and Ecommerce.
Our finance ministers have launched the Chiang Mai initiative
, a regional network of currency swap arrangements, as an
initial step to prevent recurrence of the 1997-98 financial
turmoil.
At the pace east Asia is now moving, an Asian monetary fund
may be just around the corner.
I believe very strongly that east Asia is taking the right
path. Greater economic integration does not only provide
avenues for advancing shared growth and prosperity, it also
improves the likelihood of lasting peace.
Of course, one will always remind us that Germany and Britain
were each other's largest trading partner in the early years
of the last century, but that did not stop them from waging
world war I on opposite sides.
There indeed are no guarantees, but if the French and Germans
could put aside centuries of war and deep antagonism, if
a European union can grow from the seeds of a steel, and
coal community, I see no compelling reason why, say, ASEAN
plus three cannot flower into an agent of global peace and
stability.
An Asian scholar recently observed that the Asian crisis
has served as the most important defining event of regional
security since the end of the cold war. It "revealed
not only the vulnerabilities of the region of External pressures.
But also the inherent weaknesses in the internal foundations
of regional security."
Indeed, terrorism, transnational crime and other scourges
add new fuel to the old hurts left over from colonial past,
and as we in the Philippines are so keenly aware, religious
extremism - not only in my country, but in many areas of
the region - is again rearing its ugly head.
If allowed to deteriorate, by indifference of meager action,
the small fires that have now begun burning may engulf us
all and it will be small solace to America that our region
lies on the opposite side of the globe.
For our vision of one east Asia is not of a monolith pitted
against others. The world is too small for that.
We know and are truly thankful that the road to Asian recovery
passed through Washington and New York. Without America's
locomotive, the Asian train would still be stuck in the
station. Without America's commitment to fairness and openness,
the Asian crisis could have been a global catastrophe.
And we know, too, that for us to have peace in Asia we need
America, not so much because America alone has the might,
but because America is peerless in championing the ideals
of the peace we want - a peace with freedom.
Thank you.