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"Australia's Role in Asia"
AustralAsia Center of the Asia Society Annual Dinner
The Hon Peter Costello
Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia
Melbourne, October 16, 2002
I flew up here this evening from the Parliamentary
sitting in Canberra, and as I was walking through the terminal
at Sydney Airport, a man came up to me and said: "My
name's David. I've got a son who is missing in Bali."
And I said to him: "What news have you had?" And
he said: "Only that he hasn't been back to his motel."
He was standing there, with a friend who had his arm around
him, and I said: "Who is this?" He said: "It
is the Godfather. We're flying to Bali tonight to bring our
boy home. "The events of last weekend in Bali have reminded
us again all too clearly, and all too painfully, how Asia
and Australia are inextricably linked. Asia's security problems
are our security problems. Asia's future will influence our
future. And Australia has a vital interest in the way the
countries of the region deal with the immense challenges before
them.
Leave aside the geographic question about where
Asia starts and finishes. The point here is that Australians
are part of Asia. They are found working, travelling, and
living throughout the Asian region. In all of the economic
centres there are Australian citizens using their skills and
adding investment to the countries of the region. And these
are many of our best and brightest. These Australians, thoroughly
engaged in the local communities, are on a person to person,
business to business basis drawing our countries together
with overlapping ties and ongoing interests.
Security problems in Asia are security problems
for Australians and for Australia. This evil attack, this
senseless carnage has wasted young and precious Australian
lives. And Singaporean, Japanese, Korean and, of course, Indonesian
lives, as well as citizens from many other countries.
Perhaps these twisted perpetrators thought they
were punishing Westerners like Australians. Or perhaps they
thought they were punishing Balinese business interests. Perhaps
they think that killing people will somehow lead to a change
in the Indonesian Government. At this stage it is too early
to say how the criminal mind was thinking.
But the withdrawal of tourism, and the withdrawal
of investment as a result, will harm Indonesia. It will damage
the Indonesian economy. It will cause additional hardship
to the Indonesian people.
What we must be careful about is that it does
not lead to a withdrawal of Australian engagement with Indonesia.
We must not withdraw. We must increase our engagement. In
the first place we must increase our engagement on law enforcement.
We should work from our strengths as an advanced
country in the region to stand shoulder to shoulder with our
neighbours in the fight against terrorism.
Already we have sent experienced investigators
and forensic experts to assist with the immediate aftermath
of the attack.
Australia now has close to 50 personnel on the
ground in Bali, comprising police and intelligence officers,
experts in victim identification, crime scene examiners, fingerprint
and bomb examiners and search and rescue personnel.
We will explore all options with Indonesian
authorities for the pursuit and prosecution of suspects.
The perpetrators must be brought to justice.
And we must heighten our engagement in the security sense.
We have a common interest in improving the capacity to intercept
warnings of terrorist activity. We have a common interest
in working against terrorist cells in disrupting their organisation
and freezing their finances.
The terrorists should be under no illusion that they can gain
from their actions. And Australia will not be deterred from
deeper regional engagement and cooperation. Indeed, the events
in Bali will only serve as a spur for strengthened cooperation
on all fronts.
THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE
OF ASIA
Asia is economically and strategically important
in world terms. Asia contains the world's second largest economy,
Japan, and the world's two largest emerging markets, China
and India. Notwithstanding the difficulties Japan has faced
over recent years, on a purchasing power parity basis it continues
to account for almost 7 per cent of world GDP. Asia as a whole
accounts for a third of world output; East Asia accounts for
the bulk (85 per cent) of this. Fifty-five per cent of the
world's population lives in Asia (60 per cent of whom are
in East Asia).
Of course East Asia is our main regional trading
partner.
Around 58 per cent of our exports of goods and
services go to East Asia (including NZ and PNG). The Menzies
Government negotiated the Commerce Agreement in 1957 which
opened the
Australia - Japan trading relationship. Japan
is our largest export market by far and seven of our ten largest
merchandise export markets are in East Asia. By the same token,
our major source of imports is the East Asian group of economies
(47 per cent of our imports).
East Asia is also an important investment market,
accounting for 21 per cent of our inward accumulated investment
and 15 per cent of our outward accumulated investment. Australia's
investment relationship with the United States and Europe
is much larger. But further economic growth, stability and
development in Asia will, I think, stimulate broader Australian
investment in the region, and greater Asian investment in
Australia.
These figures highlight the importance of Asia
to Australia. Our regional partners also recognise that Australia
brings substantial commercial value to Asia. China's recent
decision to award a 25 year LNG contract worth $20 to $25
billion to Australia is a powerful demonstration of this.
Our many interactions with the region have also
changed who we are. More than 1.3 million Australians claim
Asian ancestry. According to the 2001 Census, more Australians
now describe themselves as of Asian background than of Greek,
Italian and Maltese background combined.
Australia has its own unique culture. We are
a people who confidently enjoy the cultures of Asia and the
rest of the world. Seven of our top 10 overseas travel destinations
are in the region.
When I first became Treasurer in 1996, East
Asia, which had seen decades of stellar economic performance,
was considered the blueprint for emerging market economies.
Countries in the region with high savings rates, a strong
work ethic, rapid industrialisation, and strong Government
economic intervention had rapidly lifted growth rates and
improved living standards. The Asian `economic miracle' was
in full swing. Some commentators pointed to it as a model
for the advanced economies of the developed world.
By comparison with other emerging markets, in
Europe, Africa, Latin America, and the new republics of Central
Asia, East Asia countries are still the stellar performers.
But the `economic miracle' was savagely interupted in 1997.
The financial crisis first in Thailand, then in Indonesia
and Korea, engulfed the whole region.
The exchange rate instability and the flight
of capital eventually led to significant recession. Only China
and Australia withstood the crisis. And it focussed attention
on structural weaknesses in many economies of the region.
In Indonesia the financial and economic crisis contributed
to the end of President Suharto's government.
But our response in 1997 was to increase our engagement with
the region. We stood shoulder to shoulder with countries affected.
We knew that the financial instability in Asia represented
a very direct threat to our economic prospects. We want a
strong and prosperous Asia. For Asia's sake and for our own.
In the midst of the 1997-98 crisis, Australia
committed to financial assistance in the form of $US 1 billion
loans for each of Thailand, Indonesia and Korea. Japan was
the only other country to commit itself to assistance for
all three of these countries. This commitment of bilateral
finance was made in support of financial stabilisation packages
led by the IMF, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.
Australia was a founding member of the Asian
Development Bank in 1966 and continues to play an active role
as the region's second largest shareholder.
We have worked hard in forums such as the Executives' Meeting
of East Asia Pacific (EMEAP) Central Banks to foster an effective
regional policy dialogue and financial cooperation in support
of stability. In the mid-1990s, the Reserve Bank of Australia
entered into repurchase agreements with many of its central
bank counterparts in the region.
In 1997, as part of a collaborative response
to the financial crisis facing the region, Australia worked
with others to establish the Manila Framework Group to facilitate
bilateral financing between countries in the region. We continue
to play an active role in this forum.
We have also been a strong voice in support
of Asian interests and representation in the various multilateral
forums in which we participate. Australia was a key player
in the formation of the Bretton Woods Institutions: the IMF
and World Bank. We have constantly strived to make these institutions
work as effectively as possible and to represent the interests
of our region. We were strong and independent advocates for
better assistance and revision of inappropriate IMF programs
during the financial crisis of 1997. We continue to argue
for more appropriate representation of Asia in the IMF and
World Bank.
We have also been active in the Financial Stability
Forum in pressing for improved accountability and openness
of both governments and private financial entities, like hedge
funds - a matter of concern to many of our regional partners.
In the WTO, together with our partners, we have pursued a
more open and fairer international trade and investment system.
And we strongly supported an outstanding Thai candidate to
lead the WTO.
Australia has also steadfastly supported the
G-20, a grouping that brings together the G-8 with Australia
and the world's other systemically important economies. As
a group which includes both the key industrialised economies
and major emerging markets such as China, Brazil, India and
Indonesia, the G-20 provides an unparalleled opportunity for
the region's systemically important economies to have an effective
voice in the global policy debate.
Australia's commitment to the region has been
tried, tested, and proven.
THE FUTURE OF ASIAN ECONOMIC
INTEGRATION
The significant increase in interest over the
past five years in exploring regional responses, in particular
in East Asia, to shared economic and financial challenges
is clearly a development of great significance.
East Asia is seeking to deal constructively
and cooperatively with changes in the strategic position and
power of key countries in the region. And, after the turmoil
of the past five years it is looking closely at regional cooperation
and promoting greater integration.
In the 1980s, Australia worked with Japan to
establish APEC, and has continued to provide leadership in
that grouping. My own experience with the APEC Finance Ministers
process highlights the useful exchanges between Ministers
on fiscal and financial sector reform. Over the last seven
APEC Finance Ministers meetings I have valued the unique opportunity
to meet with colleagues from around the region. APEC has proven
of great value in areas such as capacity building and the
strengthening of financial systems and improving corporate
governance frameworks.
One of the great lessons of the 1997-98 financial
crisis is the importance of an economic framework supported
by strong institutions. This framework must include financial
supervision, prudential standards, judicial independence,
focussed corporate regulation and arms length lending, all
of which are important for a well functioning economy and
the ability to withstand external shocks. Developing institutions
capable of performing these roles in all the countries of
the region is crucial to regional stability.
Some officials and commentators in the region
have argued that regional economic cooperation should aim
for an exchange rate mechanism and, ultimately, a common currency
along the line of the European Monetary Union. This is an
ambitious objective. Our region encompasses some of the world's
largest economies and some of its smallest. It includes countries
at widely different stages of economic development, from very
rich developed economies to rapidly growing emerging industrial
economies to poor, subsistence-based economies. It embraces
dramatically different cultural, legal and commercial traditions.
Virtually all of the world's great religions are to be found
here. We are a region of unparalleled diversity.
This dramatic diversity suggests our ambitions
for greater economic integration need to be realistic.
We believe those ambitions should start with
trade. Here NAFTA could provide a more realistic model for
Asia than the European Union. And the region has already set
itself the goal of free trade in the Bogor declaration. Delivering
the Bogor commitment would be an enormous advance toward closer
integration.
The creation of new regional forums, such as
ASEAN+3, is bringing leaders, ministers, and officials together
to discuss issues and policy in a constructive and open manner.
It enables collaboration in identifying and managing shared
risks. And, more generally, it gives countries in the region
the ability to more effectively project East Asian interests,
and provide an East Asian perspective, in global institutions
and policy forums.
The Chiang Mai Initiative, complemented by further
evolution of the Manila Framework Group, may provide the basis
for another important area of regional cooperation - enhanced
financial cooperation. It is possible that such developments
will eventually also result in new mechanisms for crisis funding
complementary to existing global mechanisms and institutions.
Some appear concerned that these developments
signal the rise of insularity in East Asia. This interpretation
fails to recognise that East Asia's economic and strategic
interests are fundamentally global. The region depends heavily
on markets in, and investment from, Europe and the Americas.
For this reason, I think that East Asia is highly unlikely
to turn in on itself.
But this is not a foregone conclusion. The more
other regions turn inward and engage less with the world,
the harder it is for Asia to remain oriented outward. It is
therefore very much in Australia's interests to use what influence
we have at both the global and regional level to strengthen
the multilateral trading and investment system and resist
protectionism and insularity in all its forms. Let me also
say that countries outside the region need to remain engaged,
and to engage constructively.
While the economies of Asia are at different
stages of development, their performance has so far been largely
driven by their integration into global production chains
focused on meeting external demand. It may be some time before
the economies of the region, collectively, can begin to look
to domestic drivers of growth. However, the presence of giants
such as China and India underscores the potential for this,
if structural reforms aimed at improving the allocation of
abundant domestic savings, enhancing productivity, and increasing
the ability of local populations to participate in the benefits
of growth are sustained.
The resilience of our own economy in the face
of the severe decline in many of our trading partners during
the 1997-98 crisis is powerful testament to the importance
of structural reform and a sound policy framework.
Structural reform - ranging from a floating
exchange rate and lower tariffs, to implementing an effective
competition and corporate regulatory system, introducing a
new tax system, and freeing up the labour market - positioned
our economy to be able to respond flexibly to rapidly changing
circumstances. A sound medium-term macroeconomic framework,
and the repayment of Commonwealth debt preserved our credibility
with investors and consumers and reduces the risks of policy
mistakes.
This has made Australia more relevant than ever
before as a partner in commerce and economic development to
the rest of the region.
CONCLUSION
Our links to date with Asia have been deep and
complex in economic terms. I have no doubt these will continue
to deepen to our mutual benefit. Given our geography and the
intensity of our economic relationships with East Asia, we
see ourselves as an integral member of the East Asia region,
and we stand ready to participate further in regional dialogue
and mechanisms for financial stability and cooperation.
The events of the past few days in Bali have
brought home the reality that when it comes to terrorism,
national borders are irrelevant. Asia's security problem is
Australia's and vice versa. At one time terrorism was local.
It is no longer. Terrorism is international and the response
to it must be international.
The economic impacts of terrorist attacks are
very widespread and fall most heavily on the vulnerable members
of society.
To counter this threat, cooperative and forceful
action is required. For our part, we have taken active steps,
particularly since September 11, to bolster regional cooperation
to combat the threat of terrorism.
Indonesia and Australia signed a Memorandum
of Understanding in February of this year to enhance counter-terrorism
cooperation between our officials. This foresight in entering
into the MOU will be very useful in the days and weeks ahead
enabling officials from the Australian Federal Police and
ASIO to work cooperatively with their Indonesian counterparts
in tracking down the perpetrators of these terrible acts.
Australia has also strengthened its counter-terrorism
cooperation with other countries in the region. We have signed
Memoranda of Understanding on cooperation to combat international
terrorism with Malaysia and Thailand. These MOUs are umbrella
agreements that set out a framework for bilateral cooperation
in law enforcement, defence, intelligence, customs and immigration.
We are looking forward to concluding similar arrangements
with other countries in the region.
We have been engaged in intelligence sharing
with other countries in the region. And through our involvement
in the United Nations, IMF, the Asia Pacific Group on Money
Laundering and the Financial Action Task Force, we have been
working actively to counter the financing of terrorism, regionally
and globally.
Australians are enmeshed in the rich tapestry
of Asia, as Asia is an increasingly important influence on
Australia. Moments of crisis highlight our common destiny.
In 1997 it was a financial crisis. Today it is a human tragedy.
At these points of crisis we must not withdraw. We must heighten
our engagement and our cooperation. We must work together.
Australia stands ready to do so.
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