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"Pursuing
a Silk Road Strategy"
Senator Sam
Brownback
Chairman of the Subcommittee on Near Eastern and South Asian
Affairs
Asia
Society Washington, D.C. Center
March 19, 1998
I want to thank you for inviting me to speak to you today
about a region of the world in which I believe the United
States has enormous stakes. The Caspian Basin and the countries
of Central Asia and the South Caucus which surround it, are
an area of vital political, economic, and social importance
for the United States.
Our window of opportunity to influence events there is very
narrow. I strongly believe that the US must assume a more
consistent and pro-active policy immediately; if we do not
act soon, we may find that e are too late to take advantage
of a unique opportunity.
The countries of the South Caucus and Central Asia --Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan,
and Uzbekistan -- are at historic crossroads in their history:
they are independent, they are at the juncture of many of
today’s major world forces, they are rich in natural resources,
and they are looking to the Unites States for support.
The stakes there for the United States are enormous. I will
briefly highlight those which I view as the most significant,
and focus primarily on the measure I think we will need to
implement to insure that we are able to achieve our goals
in the region. These goals are straightforward: to insure
that the nations around the Caspian Basin and of the South
Caucus become strong, independent, economically viable and
politically sovereign states.
What is at
stake in the region?
First of all, these countries are a major force in containing
the spread northward of anti-western extremist fundamentalism
from Iran and other nations. Though Iranian activity in the
region has been less blatant than elsewhere in the world,
the Iranians ARE working very hard to bring the region into
their sphere of influence and economic control. Other fundamentalist
activity, perhaps even more threatening because of its extreme
anti-western, anti-secular tenor, is being financed by other
countries.
Secondly, the Caspian Sea basin contains oil and gas reserves
which, potentially, could rank third in the world after the
Middle East and Russia and exceed four trillion dollars in
value. Investment in this region could ultimately reduce US
dependence on oil imports from the volatile Persian Gulf.
Recent events in that region have demonstrated once again
the dangers of relying so much on this one region of the world
for our vital energy resources.
Thirdly, strong market economies near Russia and China can
only help to positively influence these two countries on their
rocky path towards freedom.
Fourthly, these countries, some of them nuclear capable ones,
are also at the forefront of stemming the flow southward of
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Finally, this region offers us a historic opportunity to spread
freedom and democratic ideals. After years of fighting communism
in this region, the doors are open to promote institutions
of democratic government and to create the conditions for
the growth of pluralistic societies, including religious tolerance.
In my view, the single best way to consolidate our goals in
the region is to promote regional cooperation and policies
which will strengthen the sovereignty of each nation. Each
of these countries has its own individual needs; however,
many of the problems in the region overlap and are shared,
and a number of common approaches and solutions can apply.
As you know, I have introduced legislation which provides
and over-arching policy towards the region and authorizes
assistance in a whole gamut of areas. I would like to cover
some of those which I believe are the most crucial to achieving
the goals I have just mentioned:
1) East-West
pipeline routes, preferably through Turkey: The “ticket” to true independence,
economic wealth, and sovereignty for these countries lies
in their natural energy resources. Where and how this oil
and gas flows out of the landlocked Caspian is a question
crucial to determining into which sphere of influence these
countries will fall, and whether they will be successful in
maintaining their sovereignty. In my view, the route through
Azerbaijan --whether it be multiple pipelines with some going
through Russia and some through Georgia, or the other major
export line to Turkey --is one of the most important means
of insuring the cementing of a Silk Road Corridor of Freedom.
It will help tie the region together, linking the countries
of Central Asia to the Caucus and the Western market, and
giving them all a stake in making regional cooperation work.
While I understand there is a significant cost attached to
the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline, we are examining just what steps
Congress could take to make this a viable route. On the other
hand, routes through Iran will result in the loss of a joint
economic stake and cohesion in the Caspian. Thus the countries
on the Eastern Caspian will find themselves inexorably drawn
into an eastern and southern sphere and could eventually become
hostages to Iran, much in the same way they were economic
hostages to the former Soviet Union.
A route eastward through Afghanistan is another important
option, though it can only become reality when a solution
is found to the conflict that rages there.
2) Conflict
resolution:
The US must play an increasingly active role in the conflict
resolution in the region. The boundaries of the Soviet Republics
were intentionally drawn to prevent succession by the various
national communities of the former USSR, and not with an eye
towards possible independence. As a result, the countries
in the South Caucasus and Central Asia Are fraught with ethnic
tensions which so serious dangers to the stability in the
region. A glaring example of this is the case over Nagorno-Karabagh.
Peace in this important transit corridor is absolutely necessary.
The US role in the Minsk Group is an example of the type of
pro-active role we should be playing. Hopefully, once the
elections in Armenia are final, there will be some progress
on this crucial issue. Recent efforts by the Administration
to become active in resolving the Abkhaz situation in Georgia
are also to be encouraged. In addition, the US should also
take a more proactive role in seeking a solution to the Afghan
fighting.
3) Policy
vis-à-vis Russia:
The US should also be actively involved in persuading Russia
to play a more positive role in the region. To date, much
of what Russia has done has not been positive; in fact, Russian
actions and rhetoric indicate that the Russians do not really
accept the notion of the independence and sovereignty of these
countries. Indeed, Russia has been active in maintaining instability
in the region in order to disrupt outside influences, and
impeding the regional cooperation which the Presidents of
these countries are trying to achieve.
There are many recent examples of this, which range from petty
to the more dramatic, such as supplying the Nagorno-Karabagh
with one billion dollars worth of weapons further fueling
this conflict. Another of the more outrageous examples of
lack of cooperation concerns the suspected perpetrator of
the 1995 assassination attempt on Shevardnadze, Igor Giorgadze.
He remains under Russian care despite repeated demands from
Georgia that he be extradited. The Russians claim that they
cannot locate him, however, even we here in Congress could
direct them to some of the places which Mr. Giorgadze often
visits in Moscow --among them places such as the gym belonging
to the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation.
Russia has clear and natural economic and commercial stakes
in the region should be encouraged to recognize these interests.
Involving Russia in the economic development and success of
the region will also help the Russian economy prosper. This
will serve to stabilize the region and the interests in the
region. At the moment however, Russia is blurring the distinction
between influence in the region and the interest in the region.
Recent statements by President Yeltsin referring to a “pipeline
war” and references to western countries’ efforts to “bypass
Russia and infringe on its national interests” are not helpful.
Nor was Yeltsin’s call late last year on Russian security
organs to find “ways and means” to “counterbalance” (read
undermine) US “intervention” in the region.
4) Promoting regional
cooperation:
As I mentioned earlier, regional cooperation is also key to
helping the region flourish economically as well as to maintaining
regional stability. These countries need to work together
to solve their most pressing problems: regional conflict,
ethnic strife, water and energy distribution, compatible infrastructure
development, ecological and environmental clean-up, trade
agreements, etc.
Some countries are more visionary in their understanding of
the importance of regional cooperation than others. It is
important that we convey the message that not cooperating
and/or using leverage against each other will ultimately result
in a net loss to everyone. Most of the countries in the region
have come to this realization and we are beginning to see
initiatives in this regard. For example, the Presidents of
Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine met and stressed
the importance of mutual cooperation in establishing Eurasian,
Trans-Caucasus transportation corridor and in fostering cooperation
and stability in the region. Kyrgyzsran also has taken on
the role of mediator and is working to help solve regional
disagreements as well as fostering regional cooperation on
issues such as water distribution.
Such cooperation and interdependence lies at the heart of
maintaining long term regional stability and making the east-west
axis successful.
5) Sovereign
borders and indigenous border guards: We should continue and accelerate
our assistance to these countries in building up their own
border guards and customs officers. Securing one’s own borders
is an important symbol of ones status as a sovereign nation.
Yet, the borders of a number of these countries are controlled
by Russian border guards who take advantage of the situation
to further the negative policies directed by Moscow. Georgia
is a case in point: there the border guards create obstacles
to freight traffic through the country and abuse the sovereignty
of Georgian waters. Hopefully, current negotiations between
Georgia and Russia will be successful and result in Georgia
Taking control of its waters by July 1 of this year.
The United States has training and assistance programs ongoing,
they should be amplified and accelerated. Well trained indigenous
border guards will also play an important role in stemming
the proliferation of nuclear weapons and technology through
these countries. All of them have stated grave concerns about
illegal shipments over their territory which they are unable
to monitor and control effectively.
6) Creating
a favorable business climate: Economic independence and prosperity are
also sine qua nons for the successful development of these
fledgling nations. Foreign investment in all sectors of the
economy is extremely important in getting these economies
off the ground; but getting this investment requires a favorable
climate for business. Seventy years of Communist rule left
in its train economies that are strangers to the practices
and standards expected by western investors.
The US should continue to work actively to promote the reforms
necessary to establish a consistent framework within which
foreign investors can work. It is essential that these nations
understand the importance of-- and implement-- basic principles
such as the rule of law, consistent tax laws, fair business
practices, and a fundamental understanding of commercial terms
and frameworks.
At the same time, in order to develop the physical infrastructure
necessary for regional cooperation among the countries in
the South Caucasus and Central Asia, and to encourage closer
economic relations between those countries, we also should
be providing positive incentives for international private
investments and increased trade.
The US should be encouraging the activities of the Export-Import
Bank to complete the review process for eligibility for financing;
we need to authorize provision of insurance, reinsurance,
financing, or other assistance by OPIC as well as TDA to all
these countries.
7) Democratization
and independent media: Finally, but not least, the US should be
working to strengthen democracy, tolerance, and the development
of civil society in the region. We need to promote the conditions
which lead to growth of pluralistic societies, including religious
tolerance. Assistance in democracy building, for the development
of NGOs, the development of independent media and international
exchanges in all spheres will help move this agenda forward.
Conclusion
The foregoing are just some of the policies I believe we should
be pursuing in order to achieve our vital strategic, economic
and political objectives in the region. Finally, I’d like
to re-iterate the point I made earlier abut pipelines. The
independence of the region could well depend on the successful
construction of pipelines on an east-west axis through non-Russian
as well as non-Iranian territory. Both Russian and Iranian
rhetoric on this issue shows clearly that these countries
see the connection between pipelines free of Russian and Iranian
control and their domination over the region. And it is no
coincidence that we are seeing a rapprochement between these
two countries.
Time is the essence of here. We have the opportunity to help
these countries rebuild themselves from the ground up and
to encourage them to continue their strong independent stance.
What we do in this area-- promoting peace, open and sovereign
governments, economic prosperity and communication with the
West-- is strongly in the interests of the United States as
well as countries of this region.
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