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Corporate Social Responsibility in Action: Private Sector Summit on Post-Tsunami Rehabilitation & Reconstruction
Former Presidents
The Honorable George H. W. Bush
Co-Chair, U.S. Private Sector Tsunami Relief
The Honorable William J. Clinton
Co-Chair, U.S. Private Sector Tsunami Relief, and UN Special Envoy for Tsunami Recovery
Introduction:
The Honorable Richard C. Holbrooke
Chairman, Asia Society
Question and Answer
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Mr. President, Mr. President, I'm overwhelmed by the honor of introducing two great Americans today. And I want to say a word first to all of you in the audience who came from all over the tsunami–stricken area about what you've seen here today. Because for us, Americans, this is our nation at its best. I need hardly remind you that the two gentlemen you're about to hear from were and remain on opposite sides of the political fence. And if my memory is correct, actually ran against one another.
(Laughter.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: I'm sorry, Mr. President.
But here today in unity under at the request of the President of the United States, President George W. Bush, they have spent a great deal of their time and energy working together in a bipartisan manner and in a most remarkable and effective way. It is truly what we in America are most proud of. And I thank you both for changing your schedules to be here today.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: A word, Mr. President's, about what we have here, from all over the tsunami–stricken areas, ministers, ambassadors, the Governor of Aceh, all sorts of people have come to listen to how the private sector can work to help them. The conference you're addressing is co–sponsored by The Asia Foundation, Congressman Bereuter, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, U.S.–ASEAN Business Council, U.S.–India Business Council, and Asia Society. And the corporate sponsors here, Pfizer, Coca–Cola, and the other major corporate sponsors, are going to be very upset of me for not mentioning them all.
(Laughter.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: They have really had an outpouring, and we look forward to your remarks.
So one last word. The format, President Bush will speak first, then President Clinton. President Bush has another appointment and will have to leave early. President Clinton has kindly consented to have a continued dialogue for a few minutes.
Now, I'm going to introduce the two Presidents in the order they served. First, President Bush has been a friend of mine personally since the mid–1970's. I prefer to think of him as Ambassador Bush, because that, as we all know, is the most prestigious title.
(Laughter.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: And he was Ambassador in China. He was Ambassador at the United Nations during the 2000 campaign. And prior to that we were honored to have him and Barbara Bush as our guests at the United Nations. He is a wonderful man, a great friend, and I am so honored to have him here.
President Clinton is more than a friend. He was my boss. He gave me the best three jobs of my life. And he has several major political rules, which some of you may have read. And the first rule is: Always be introduced by somebody who owes you his job.
(Laughter.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Without any further ado, and they will speak sequentially without any further interruption from me, it is my great honor, high privilege, to introduce you President George Herbert Walker Bush.
(Applause.)
THE HONORABLE GEORGE H.W. BUSH,
CO–CHAIR, U.S. PRIVATE SECTOR TSUNAMI RELIEF
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: Thank you all very much. And thank you, Ambassador Holbrooke, especially for organizing this and for inviting me to be with you. It's a pleasure to be here.
I didn't see Doug Bereuter. Is he smart enough to have left? Here he is, right here. He's an old friend with whom I enjoyed working when he was in the Congress. I didn't get to hear your remarks, but I did hear some guy take a shot at you about keeping it short, so I will try to go by that.
I'm sorry that Bob Zoellick is not here. I think he's out in the area, as a matter of fact. He will be with you tonight, says Dick. There are some members of Congress here. There are some Excellencies, Ambassadors and other distinguished visitors from overseas. And I'm delighted to salute Andrew Natsios, the head of USAID. And I also I see the new head of the World Bank here, Paul Wolfowitz. Paul, stand up, please.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: We may need a loan from the man for this project.
Now, let me start by saluting the NGO's as well as all the government and private sector officials on hand for this special conference. Many of you are in from the field, where you've already done the yeoman's work in helping to respond to this profound disaster. And I simply want to start by thanking each and every one for your selfless efforts to date and for your participation here.
President Clinton, when we just had a little meeting upstairs, paid a very proper heartfelt tribute to the USAID people that are out there in the field, several of whom are in the audience today. And I share his gratitude and respect for what they've done.
The fact is, so many of you taking the time to be here sends a very encouraging message to the innocent victims and everyone else involved in this global effort that this is in fact a long–term commitment to help the region rebuild. And help is indeed on the way.
And at the outset, let me also add a word of gratitude to the members of the national and international media with us here today, who President Clinton and I both feel did a remarkable job in reporting the disaster when it occurred and who have played a vital role in helping to keep this story alive since then. It's so easy to forget, and these heartrending stories that we see in the media are very, very helpful to keeping our consciences where they should be. In this day and age of these 24–hour news channels and micro news cycles, their long–term commitment to covering this unfolding story month after month should not be lost on anyone.
I'm feeling so kindly towards the new media these days that, despite several relapses during the 2000 and 2004 elections, I'm back to regularly attending the local chapter meetings of a very little–known organization called Press Bashers Anonymous.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: I went off the wagon a little bit during the 2000 election cycle and the 2004 cycle, but now I'm back on, trying very hard to be kinder and gentler.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: I mentioned my esteemed colleague President Clinton, and a great deal has been made of this unique partnership. And I don't particular appreciate being called one of the "Odd Couple," but, nevertheless, a lot has been made of this. And there has been a certain amount of speculation in the press about why and how this partnership has thrived. And speaking for myself, I can say a small part of our success is the fact that we don't spend a whole lot of time rehashing the 1992 election.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: That helps, to be honest.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: But on a serious note, I hope the fact that we've come together in this way shows that there are some things that are far more important than politics or one's own personal ambitions, even here in Washington, D.C. And I don't want to speak for President Clinton, but I can honestly say that helping to raise awareness of the abject devastation caused last December, and now the reconstruction effort underway throughout the whole tsunami region, is one of the most important and rewarding projects that I've ever been a part of in my entire life.
And I'm grateful to the President for giving me a chance to work with Number 42, as we affectionately call him now, in this Bush family. Barbara referred to him and introduced him the other night as my son, Bill, but that may be overstating it just a little bit.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: But seriously, it has been a total joy working with him. And the experience we had traveling to the region together is something I'll never forget. We visited desolate, empty places where thriving villages once stood. We met survivors, who spoke of their parents and their neighbors and their children being ripped from their grasp, carried out to sea.
But for me the hardest part was seeing the children who lost everything, their homes, their families, sitting out in an open field, drawing pictures in the dirt, trying to describe the horrors to which no words could possibly be found. And these kids, these totally innocent victims, have nothing left in this world. And their future is literally resting in your hands, in our hands.
So make no mistake, what we accomplish here at this conference matters. It matters to those kids and to each of the survivors who aren't looking for a handout but simply a hand up, a chance to get their lives back. They want to rebuild their lives. They want to reclaim some sense of hope and human dignity that the sea took away from them.
And of course, the job of coordinating the reconstruction is a massive challenge. But it's also a tremendous opportunity. And already we have seen how our collective actions can indeed make a difference. Thanks to the immediate outpouring of public and private emergency aid, for example, the U.N. World Food Program announced a few weeks ago that a food crisis following the tsunami had been averted. And as the President pointed out this morning, the medical crisis that we all feared never did occur thanks to the volunteer efforts of so many, many right here in this room.
I'll confess to feeling a certain sense of parochial pride at the response initiated by the U.S. Government. And I'll defer to Bob Zoellick, from whom you'll hear tonight, and others, to detail the overall U.S. response. But everywhere we went we saw Americans, volunteers, representing the many NGO's on the ground, USAID workers, many of whom had been there from day one, and they were still there doing what they can to help the victims rebuild their lives.
I especially want to thank Mark Ward, from AID, who is here somewhere. Well, maybe he's not. But he was with us out there as we visited these four countries. He headed up their tsunami team on the ground, working with us. Ambassador Doug Hardwick, from the State Department, was of enormous help. He's really handling it for them. There he is. Doug did a wonderful job.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: He's heading up the tsunami coordination for the State Department, and he's got these embassies fully involved. And we're working two ways there, the embassy is telling us and then we're telling them what we think we'll be able to do to help. Both Doug and Mark traveled to the region and are doing a super job.
And I would like to highlight the truly inspiring role our military played. During the initial response, in fact, U.S. military personnel delivered more than 24.5 million pounds of relief supplies and equipment. And before that, I remember the stories coming out of some of the countries there: Well, we don't want the U.S. military. We don't want to have the military might of the United States in this problem.
But they went in there and they did a great job. Moreover, when the military departed Banda Aceh, our Navy hospital ship the Mercy had conducted over 19,000 medical procedures, including 285 surgical cases. And meanwhile, the Navy's Environmental Preventive Medicine Unit 6 coordinated the delivery of drinking water to contaminated areas and helped to control mosquitoes and other insects.
And I expect President Clinton will remember this, but on our way out to Southeast Asia, we met in Guam with Lt. General Blackman, who commands the 3rd Expeditionary Force of the United States Marines. And he flew down from Okinawa to brief us on what the Marines had done to help the victims of tsunami. Because clearly he had been sensitive to some of the criticism of, well, our military is going in there, flexing their muscle. He told us that he'd instructed his troops to leave their battle gear behind, put on their work clothes, go in there and get their hands dirty, working side by side with the people whose homes had been destroyed.
And that is what the Marines did. And in the process, the early complaints about the U.S. military going into the area gave way to real praise, real heartfelt gratitude and praise. And they came and they worked hard and they left. And we're very proud of those Marines and of the other services that pitched in. They all pitched in. And by the time the USS Abraham Lincoln left these waters, the people of Indonesia were calling her the Gray Angel.
As has been widely reported, the actions of the U.S. Government have also been met with equal generosity on the part of the individual citizens. Just last week in fact, President Clinton joined me in Houston to announce that a special Bush–Clinton fund, which was just restricted really to Houston, had raised over $10 million just in Houston. They think it's going to be about $15 million.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: And nationwide, some are estimating these kinds of private contributions, nationwide, exceed $1.2 billion. Talk about the caring of the American people and business, it's wonderful.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: And clearly we're not trying to take credit for this. This is just an outpouring of American people and the American companies, doing what they felt they wanted to do.
That leads me to the corporate representatives here today. As some of you might recall, back when I was President, we had a program we called Points of Light, which was premised on the notion that government can't solve every problem, and that it also takes private citizens and private companies rolling up their sleeves and getting involved and helping to tackle some of the key challenges of our day.
And I'm not aware that there has ever been a private sector response like the one we've seen in the aftermath of this tsunami. The numbers are simply staggering. More than 130 U.S. companies, for example, have given more than $1 million each in cash donations, and a handful have given as much as $10 million. Today, a very generous friend of ours from England came and presented, Mr. Mittal, who is here with us today, a leading steel producer in the world. He's right there.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: He came and presented us a check for President Clinton for a million and one for me for a million, to further the work that you all, many of you in this room, are already involved in.
And just as important, countless companies have offered millions of dollars in in–kind contributions. Drug companies with operations in the area, for example, have distributed antibiotics, nutritional supplements, infant formula, and baby food and other supplies. And others have chipped in with water purification, housing supplies, clothing, and other vitally important basic needs.
And to make the long story short, a lot of people like to beat up on the business community these days. And in recent months and years, the business headlines do seem to be dominated by the misdeeds of a very, very few high–profile individuals. But one of the most under–reported aspects of the U.S. business community is the tremendous amount of good they do, giving back to the communities where they operate.
And in a very real sense, I think the tsunami has presented the private sector here in America with a genuine watershed moment. I believe it's ushered in a new era of corporate social responsibility. And now that we've had this massive outpouring of support and supplies, that means things have gone off without a hitch, right? Hell, no. Not right.
A long–term regional reconstruction effort with this kind of global participation has never been attempted before. And there will be glitches and there will be bumps in the road. As a result, there are a lot of moving parts in this process. And given the profound scope of the affected areas and the human suffering that still exists, some are frustrated by the pace of the progress to date. And let me assure those who are concerned that resources have been and will continue to be moving through the pipeline in the region. In fact, I'm told that some 80 to 90 percent of the private funds that were pledged have already been committed to designated NGO's.
But to be sure, much work remains to be done to refine the process by which public and private resources are directed into the region. The region needs to get the monies that have already been pledged and committed by the American people. We're all anxious to see the rebuilding gain a greater sense of momentum.
Let me add that much care also needs to be taken to ensure that every donation is wisely utilized. President Clinton and I have grappled with this personally, in choosing the projects that the Bush–Clinton Fund, that smaller fund down there in Houston, adopted. We're well aware that right now there are probably still more questions than answers when it comes to picking the right manner to use the funds and supplies. But just as important, all contributions, whether they're made through NGO's or public or private gifts, must get to their ultimate destination with no corruption of any kind in between.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: And if any gifts are tainted with corruption or ripping off, I can assure you that's going to do irreparable harm, irreparable damage, to America's ability to respond to future tragedies. But again, that's why this conference and meetings like it are so vitally important. And that's why what you are doing here matters. You are true stewards of this remarkable moment in time, when our world has come together across geographical, political and other barriers to help heal the suffering.
And that's why I was delighted to receive your invitation to share a few thoughts about this joint endeavor and about the long recovery road ahead. In a few moments, I'm going to turn this podium over to President Clinton, who will take a more detailed look at the long road ahead. But let me close by saying that, looking out at this audience and meeting a few of you earlier, I'm confident of our success. Despite the horrific devastation and the unimaginable suffering randomly cast around the Indian Ocean perimeter, I'm optimistic that we can and that we will help those innocent victims recover.
And in the process, I'm confident that you are setting an instructive historical precedent by which future efforts of this kind will be guided. The world is looking to you for leadership. And I am sure you share the prevailing sense of urgency that we get this thing right.
On December 26, 2004, we saw the very worst in nature. But every day since then, in countless ways large and small, we've seen the very best in the human spirit. And so thank you once again for all you are doing, and good luck in your vitally important work ahead.
God bless you. Thank you.
(Applause.)
THE HONORABLE WILLIAM J. CLINTON,
CO–CHAIR, U.S. PRIVATE SECTOR TSUNAMI RELIEF, AND U.N. SPECIAL ENVOY FOR TSUNAMI RECOVERY
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Thank you. Please be seated.
Thanks, Dad.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: When we were down in Houston the other day, and Barbara Bush referred to me as son, one of my hardcore Democratic friends, on the way out, said, that family will stop at nothing to get another President in the family.
(Laughter. Applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: So I said, well, look at me, everybody has one in the family, the black sheep, the errant son, the one that strays, got off the reservation, to the Democratic Party, eventually comes home.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: People say now that they can't tell the difference between me and President Bush anymore. And oh, yes, you can. I'm the one who has more gray hair.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: He jumps out of airplanes, I check into hospitals.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: This has been a great honor for me. I have always admired President Bush and liked him immensely. And I believe on the great questions affecting America's future in the larger world, he made the right decisions. When the Berlin Wall fell in 1989. He decided to support a democratic Russia. He decided to support the reunification of Germany. And he supported strongly the European Union, when a lot of people in America were afraid of the whole concept.
And I think, sir, history will be very kind to you for your far–sighted commitment to a more unified world, what you called the new world order. We're going to get there yet, and I thank you very much.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: I also want to thank all the other people who are here, who have played a role in this, Director Natsios, at AID, and I thank Mark Ward and Ambassador Hardwick from the State Department, and your boss, Deputy Secretary Zoellick. All of them have done a wonderful job.
Mr. Wolfowitz, thank you for coming here. It might surprise you to know I was thrilled when you got that World Bank job. I think you'll do a superb job. And your interest in and exposure to Indonesia in particular I think will allow you to play a major role in this historically important endeavor.
Mr. Bereuter, I'm glad to see you're still gainfully employed.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Representative Harmon, thank you for being here. I thank all the members of the NGO community and the business community for being here. And my friend Laxmi Mittal, thank you for the contribution.
I would like to say also I'm grateful to the work of my U.N. colleagues. I know you heard from Jan Egeland earlier today. And I thank the representatives of the affected governments for being here. For, in the end, our success or failure will depend in no small measure on what they do.
And finally, Dick Holbrooke, I do think everybody ought to be introduced by someone they've appointed to an important position. In that way they lie about you, they cover your sins, they elevate your virtues. It's great. But you did a great job for the United States in all three jobs I gave you, in Germany, at the State Department, and especially in helping to create the peace in Bosnia, which endures against all the odds today. And I thank you. You saved a lot of people's lives.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: President Bush talked about what we tried to do and what you've done. And there's no point in going over that ground. And I presume Jan Egeland talked a little bit about what the U.N. system was trying to do. So I thought I would talk about what I see as my job as the U.N. Special Envoy. But if any of you had any doubts about my sanity before, they should have been totally resolved when I agreed to do this job.
But one of the things I feared is that when we started with a certain set of basic principles to keep this public spotlight on the recovery effort, to champion the concept of building back better in every affected nation and in every affect area, to ensure transparency and accountability in the way the funds are expended at every level, and in the end, to come up with a set of best practices that can then be used to enhance disaster prevention, mitigation and emergency management efforts in the future. Which I think is very important.
One of the things that's important to do when you get in a job like this –– and that's our stated purpose –– the truth is, Kofi Annan asked me to do this job because he figured I could guilt–pedal the donor nations into keeping their word, and that it would be harder for them to tell me no than some other people. I'm not sure that's true, but it reminded me of what President Truman said when he became President. He said, after he'd been President a few months, he finally figured out that his job largely consisted of trying to persuade people to do what they should have done without his having asked them in the first place.
And a lot of that requires understanding the system. President Bush and I recently were honored to accompany the President and the First Lady to the funeral of His Holiness John Paul II, a man I admired very much. And I remembered a funny story which made the rounds when he became the Pope. His predecessor perished, and the College of Cardinals picked him. And in the seventies, I lived in one of the two most isolated, insular States in America, as defined in this way, according to the Census: Arkansas and West Virginia had the largest percentage of people living in them who were born there. And there weren't many Catholics. We also had the largest percentage of Southern Baptists in America.
So right before the College of Cardinals picked John Paul, the story made its rounds that there were these two old guys up in the mountains talking about it. And one of them said to the other, did you hear the Pope died? And he said, no, that's too bad, I liked him. He said, what happens now? He said, well, they got to pick a new one. And he said, do you have a candidate? And the other guy said, no, but I kind of hope the Catholics don't get it this time, they've had it long enough.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: So there was obviously a case of a man who didn't understand the system, and the culture and the rules.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: So, with all deference to our friends from Indonesia and Sri Lanka, Thailand, the Maldives, India, and other places, I have tried to understand the system. I have watched with real admiration as these countries have tried to come up with their long–term plans for reconstruction, how they have dealt with the whole issue of equity, both within and beyond the affected areas, the definition of who is affected, some of the local decision–making peculiarities, and also, obviously, the political problems in Aceh and Sri Lanka and, to some extent, in southern Thailand, some of the land titling and ownership issues that have arisen in some places, the differences in state governments in various places, or regional governments.
So we are now trying to implement these four things I said I was supposed to do, in addition to going to get the money from the donor nations. We are in the roughest period of this whole process. As President Bush said, the international media did a marvelous job in telling the whole world what had happened to people, what a tsunami was, what caused it, how to deal with it. It was miraculous. And the outpouring was stunning. But also the work done on the ground by emergency workers and NGO's, by USAID, by the United States military, by the militaries of other countries, and all the people who showed up to help. It was stunning.
It was miraculous that, with all the water and sanitation structures that were destroyed, for example, that there was no outbreak of cholera, no outbreak of dysentery, no mass perishing of children as a result of diarrhea because of the unavailability of clean water and all of that. It was a stunning effort.
In a year, the countries' long–term reconstruction plans will be well underway, and I think a lot of them will be funded by government–to–government aid. For example, President Bush has asked this Congress for $950 million. I believe it will be appropriated. The United States, even though I don't think we give enough money in foreign assistance, has a very good record in helping countries to deal with emergencies. And we virtually always give what we promise to give.
But there having a donors conference Monday, for example, in Sri Lanka. And already the stories are in the paper that, well, for some reason or other, a lot of the donors aren't sure they're going to give what they pledged to give. Nonetheless, within a year, we'll get this straightened out and we'll be well underway in the long–term reconstruction.
This is the hardest period. Because it's out of the newspapers. All the dead who could be found have been buried. People have got to put their lives back together. And the monsoon season is coming and there are still some people in tents, thousands of them. Every dispute about how far you should go back from the water, for example, in Sri Lanka, has an agonizing personal implication if you have to go to sleep in a tent at night.
So this period, it's very important I think that the NGO community and the business community be involved in a way that is consistent with what we're going to have to do in the long term, and obviously navigates the local decision–making environment wherever we live. But I think it is very important. And the NGO's have a particular burden now. They've got more money, most of them, than they ever had before, to deal with this. And it will be scandalous if they don't spend it. But it will be scandalous if they spend it too quick and it's wasted or it doesn't have the desired result.
So we're all sort of in what I would call the purgatory period. It's like when you've got one foot in a pan of hot water and one foot in a pan of cold water, you think it ought to come out just right, but that's not the way it works. And so what I'm trying to do now, I'm about to leave to go back to the area, is to essentially find ways for businesses and NGO's, first, to spend the money they've given and to spend other money, and to do it as effectively as possible, and to work through some of the roadblocks.
I have met with the ambassadors of the affected countries. I met with the U.N. system. I met with representatives of the largest NGO's. And Hank McKinnell and the Business Roundtable sponsored a meeting for Business Roundtable participants at the U.N. the other day, and we met with them. Now I'm going back to the affected areas.
I agree with President Bush, on balance, you have to say this has been an amazing effort. Way more good than harm has occurred. A lot of good things are now going on even as we speak. But the level of frustration among people who haven't been helped is pretty high. You have to realize, for example, in the United States, I see James Lee Witt out here, we have a FEMA system, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and everybody knows how it works and everybody else works through them if something bad happens. So we could have a 500–year flood in the Mississippi River, which eventually required us to relocate whole cities, but at least people had the sense that we had done this before, we've been here before, we know what to do.
A lot of these countries are facing something that, in the aggregate, was the largest natural disaster in history, and, in particular, was something they had never had to face before. So I have great sympathy with the difficulties, but a great sense of urgency of the need to go forward.
And the first point I want to make you is, the more money we can sensibly spend in specific, concrete ways, consistent with nations' long–term recovery plans, from the NGO and the business community in the next six months, the better.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Because then I think you can reasonably say to me and to all the governments involved: we more than did our part, where's yours? What's your contribution to the rebuilding of the Sri Lankan railroad, for example? We can ask that.
But now you've got this money in the bank. The NGO's have people on the ground. And there are problems. And we shouldn't be angry about them. We shouldn't be frustrated about them. We should just methodically work through them. But one of the things that President Bush talked to you about, for example, is this little –– and I say `little' in the context of the multi–billion dollars –– the several–million–dollar fund that he set up, almost all of which came from his friends in Houston, although the Yankees are giving a little money to the fund, I've got to say that just to protect my wife's interests here.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: The New York Yankees are paying a little money into this fund. And maybe you could adopt her, too.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: That would be great.
Anyway, let me tell you what President Bush and his staff did on this, in cooperation with AID and the governments involved, because I thought it was really important. We're going to spend the money essentially to take responsibility in this one fund for rebuilding the village we visited in Indonesia and Aceh, where 6,500 people lived. When we got there, the only structure still standing was the mosque, and only 700 people survived. I had never seen anything like that. And the people that remain deserve a chance to start again, and as quickly as possible.
And maybe by doing it in a hurry and with the support we've received, it will be a good model and accelerate the whole recovery process.
In Sri Lanka, they haven't resolved yet the building issues, about whether they have to build 100 meters back from the water or not. And it's no small thing if you're a Sri Lankan fisherman, and you've got to take that motor off your boat every night and tote it on your shoulder back home. It's not a small question. We're going to build 100 playgrounds. Because this psychological trauma to children is something that has still not been completely grasped by most people.
But I think George and I were most moved, of all the things we saw on our tour, by the work that was being done where these children had lost family members. And they were being asked to express their feelings not through words but through drawings. And we saw not only the drawings they had done, which were gripping –– he and I each got one –– one showed a child's rendering of a parent and others drowning in the tsunami, and the other showed a child's rendering of an American military helicopter with a lifeline dropped down, giving supplies, giving people a chance to live and survive.
And then when we got to Sri Lanka, we saw a fascinating thing. They had a whole wall covered with the children's drawings. And you could see the metamorphosis of their feelings, how some would start with a very dark image, and their first drawing would be of all the loss. Then the second drawing would be of the recovery efforts. And then somewhere in the process they start drawing the same pictures your kids would draw. They start drawing kids' pictures appropriate for their age group again. And then some didn't. Some just kept drawing a variation of the same dark image. And they were obviously the ones that needed extra help.
So I'm giving you these examples because I want to make the point to the NGO and the business community that whether you want to build houses, hospitals, schools, restore water supplies –– I was very impressed with two companies that I knew nothing about that we saw in two of the countries we visited that brought their own water purification equipment and set it up and were helping. The more specific things you can do, as long as they're consistent with the national rebuilding plan and the community environment now, the better off we're going to be over the long run.
I know the governments have the responsibility for the long–term reconstruction. We've got all this money that has been given, and there are hundreds of honest, reliable NGO's down there. Every government is setting in place its own transparency and accountability mechanism. I think we need to move this thing as quickly as we can.
And my pledge to all of you is I'll try to make sure that the transparency and accountability is observed, that we're coordinating as much as we possibly can between the international community and agencies and everybody else and the local governments. Meanwhile, you need to know that I think one of the things that the countries are trying to do is to make their needs more apparent and more user–friendly.
For example, the Maldives produced a document that I found extremely helpful, which says here are our losses, here is how much we can kick in, here is what we need by category; and then here is what we need by category by island. And you can take their document –– and I'm just making this up –– it says, on a given island, and we adopted one through this program, but on a given island, let's say we had a $300,000 need for schools –– and I'm making the numbers up –– and there's a blank there. And in the blank it says German Red Cross. Another blank is filled by UNICEF. Another blank is filled by the World Bank. Another blank by the Asian Development Bank. And on and on.
So we want to make this process as user–friendly as possible so you can know where the money is going, and then we can keep score and you can see whether you got what you paid for. And so do the countries. So in the beginning, their planning process had to take most account of the local needs and the local systems and any national–local tensions that were involved. But we are trying to make, for the NGO community and the business community, really user–friendly documents that you can participate in.
We are seriously trying to build back better. I think the more private sector involvement we have, the more likely we are to do that. It's fairly simple to build a school or a set of houses or a health clinic back and to equip it better than it was before. And that process, except for tailoring the construction to the local climate and the local culture, would not be very different in rural America than in these countries. It's much more complicated to think about how to build back the economy better, particularly if the economy basically is damaged in a whole series of rather rural fishing villages, where people have done the same thing for a long time and, at the present moment, may not have the skills or even the desire to do anything else.
I know, for example, and you know, a big part of my home State of Arkansas is in the Mississippi delta, and I spent 20 years of my life trying to help diversify the economy and lift the fortunes of the people there. And we succeeded in a lot of places and we failed in a lot of places in the United States after 20 years. So this is not so easy to do, but you have a new beginning. When things are totally devastated, you have an economic opportunity that wouldn't exist if you were just going to people and giving them a speech about how they could do better, but they like getting in the water in their fishing boat every day.
So in Indonesia, for example, in the village that we visited, and in Thailand, we're replacing 196 fishing boats. But for example, building back better, we were told in Thailand in the village we visited that they all preferred their old wooden boats, in the beginning, because they were more beautiful than the fiberglass boats. But when they saw the fiberglass boats could be built in less time for less money, lasted longer and sailed faster, the compromise was, well, we'll take half fiberglass and half wood.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Now, that may be funny to you, and if you run a big, multi–billion–dollar corporation, you may not think that amounts to much, but that is a significant difference in the productivity and the strength of the economy in the little village we visited. So these are the kinds of things that I believe that both the NGO community and the private sector can be involved in.
I hope, in terms of long–term development, we'll also see more investment and we'll see more microcredit, something that AID does a brilliant job of. They give a couple of million microcredit loans a year across the world. And I would hope we can do more of that here, because most of these folks can do more with $200 than you can possibly imagine. So we have enormous potential.
The last thing I want to say, and President Bush referred to this, is that since The Asia Society has sponsored this, and related groups are interested in the United States' long–term foreign policy interests and commitments in Asia and obligations, I think it was Mark –– it might have been Doug but I think it was Mark –– who gave President Bush and me a poll that was completed the day before in Indonesia, but before we went into the Oval Office to make our report to the President about our trip to the tsunami area. And the poll was about Indonesian attitudes toward the U.S.
And I would just like to give you the three most pertinent numbers in the poll. Before the tsunami and the response, positive approval of America was 30 percent. After the tsunami it was 56 percent. Before the tsunami positive approval of Osama bin Laden was 58 percent. After the tsunami it was 28 percent. And he didn't do anything one way or the other. But that was the point.
Number one, they knew that the American military, the AID, the private sector, the religious groups, the NGO's, everybody who went there, they had no political agenda. And it didn't matter that all the people who got killed worshipped at mosques. It was a total reaffirmation of our common humanity. And all the recipients in the survey gave no reason for their change in opinion other than what America did in the tsunami.
And in terms of bin Laden, he didn't do anything bad, but he didn't do anything good. Which makes the point that people only get sometimes when their backs are against the wall. Which is that any fool can kick down a barn, but it takes more than that to build one. So this is moving.
And then finally, and in some ways most important, although the numbers are closer, Indonesia, in this poll, was the first Muslim country where a plurality of 40 to 36 said they would support the United States leading a global campaign against terror. Why? All of this just simply reaffirmed our common humanity. So if I could get beyond all the details, I'm trying to help clear through the cobwebs, get everybody coordinated, and fix all this.
We're working very closely with the State Department, very closely with AID. The U.N. people are really good. And I will say this, as somebody who has followed the U.N. for a long time and spent eight years trying to get them to improve organization and efficiency, whatever you think about it, it's way better than it was 10 years ago. And the quality of the people with whom I work are very high. It is very high.
And the main problem with the U.N. today I think is institutional ones. A lot of these agencies are completely independent in their budget and operations from the Secretary–General's office. I knew UNICEF was, but even I, having been in the White House for eight years, had no idea how many others were. Nonetheless, they're all working together, and we're doing the best we can.
I think the quality of the people in the countries affected that are in charge of this is quite high. We're all doing something we've never done before, so we're all going to make some mistakes. And you can't make politics go away, so there will be some politics here. And only people like George and me, that can't ever run for anything again, bemoan the fact that politics doesn't go away. That's part of life. But on balance, we're going to get this done.
And I can tell you again, between now and the 1st of next year is by far the hardest period, practically and emotionally. It's going to take time to get the governments to appropriate this money and then time to get this money out. And the affected countries will be far better if they can use the government appropriations coming from the U.S., the E.U., Japan, and others, I believe, on long–term reconstruction efforts, except for what the aid agencies in our country and others are already going to do on the specific problems. Therefore, now is the time when we need help from the private sector, and we need this NGO money released. And I understand why nobody wants to release it until they are confident that it can be effectively spent.
If you have problems with that, call me and raise Cane about it. Thank you for being here. But please, please, keep your interest up, and especially between now and the end of the year. This is the period that will be make or break, whether the people that live in these countries, and particularly those who are affected, believe that the world meant what they said when all the heartbreak occurred. I am, on balance, optimistic, but we've got a lot to do.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: President Bush, President Bush, you have honored us and inspired us, as always.
President Bush asked me to repeat again how sorry he is that he has to run. He is meeting with some wounded men who have returned from Iraq.
President Clinton has very kindly offered to answer a few questions and comments. But before I do that, I would like to ask the ministers and ambassadors from the affected nations to stand country by country. We don't have time to introduce everyone, but let me ask first the Indonesians, headed by the Minister and the Governor of Aceh to stand please.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Thailand, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Ambassador and their team.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Sri Lanka.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Malaysia.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: We've a very good delegation here from the Maldives. Would they like to rise?
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: I hope you will tell your people what President Clinton said about the Maldives.
And India.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Now, we have invited Kenya and Somalia. Are they here, the Kenyans and Somalians?
I'm very sorry they're not, because we mustn't forget that they were hit also.
Mr. President, you have honored us again with your brilliance and your insight, and inspired me again. I was so honored to serve you and work for you and continue to work with you. I'm going to ask the first question. I want to start, President Clinton, with the comment that Jan Egeland made this morning, which is echoed in one of the articles distributed for the participants here, written by Roberta Cohen, who is one of the best international experts on internally displaced persons and human rights. And Jan made the point, and Roberta echoed it very strongly, that human rights issues are a major factor in tsunami–affected areas.
In Aceh, all the records are destroyed, who owns the land. There are inequities. In India the charge is made –– I don't know whether it's true or not, but the charge is made –– that the lower castes are being discriminated against in the affected areas. This is in one of the articles.
How much attention are you putting in this? And how important is it in the process? Is it an opportunity or a problem or a bit of both? And how should we think about it?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: First of all, I think that the human rights issue arises in several different forms. And in some, I think everybody is paying attention to it and in some maybe nobody is, and in others we're confused about what to do. And let me be quite candid about this.
For example, the first issue is people need to have a place to put their heads down at night. And they need to be able to go back to work as quickly as possible. I think there is sensitivity to that across the board. If there is not, I'll find out on this trip, I think, that I'm about to leave on.
The second is, have we discriminated against people in the decision–making process? And one of the things I've found fascinating, I've read every country's document that was presented to me on planning, for example. And I was fascinated by the Indonesian document because it told me things about the decision–making in that country I had no earthly idea of. I was completely ignorant of a lot of the different processes that played out in different parts of the country. And it looks to me like they're making a real effort, and not just in the obvious one to get the central government and the Aceh separatists working together, but in other ways to make sure village concerns are met.
A third area is –– and this is something where the donor community doesn't want to mess up –– we don't need to have too narrow a definition of who was affected. Number one, because we won't help people who were affected. And number two, because we'll create even more political problems for the governments.
The governments are going to have enough political problems as it is because of all the money that's going to be put into the area where everybody was affected by the tsunami. Because they will be places which, except in the Maldives, where everybody was affected. And in the other countries there will be places where people weren't affected and they'll say, well, gosh, those folks have better houses, better schools, better health care, better jobs, than we do. So they've got enough equity issues as it is that we don't want to be too narrow in our definition of who was affected.
Then where there are real sort of human rights problems that maybe others don't recognize, like women being cut out of the process or groups of people not being able to get any economic aid, that's something we need strong feedback from people on the ground, from both our agencies and the NGO community and the others. And I think those problems will have to be solved one on one. I don't think giving people a speech or a lecture is going to have a lick to do with that in the moment. I think we're going to have to work those out one by one.
QUESTION: President Clinton, on behalf of the Indonesian people, I would like to thank you for your visit, and we are looking forward to your next visit to Banda Aceh.
I'm interested in your statement regarding the matter of how we are going to cope with such a huge challenge. On the immediate, I think the most appropriate –– and I think it's also because of the modality of the private sector –– they can move fast. But most of the money now is maybe with the NGO's. And I think in Indonesia especially, the NGO's feel that they cannot trust the government. So we have this problem in building trust. I think I really liked your statement regarding that the priority and the time of using this money should be aligned with the government, especially after this government has already consolidated and consulted with the people in putting in a master plan.
But of course building trust is not like an immediate work. So this should be really built through the process. So we would like to have your comment on how we can create this trust. The Government of Indonesia has a very strong commitment on building this trust and also to uphold a very high standard of governance. But of course in order for us to work together with the NGO and private sector, in order to immediately respond to this huge challenge, this is another difficulty that we have to overcome before we can come up with that.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: She asked how we can get a higher level of trust in the NGO community for the Indonesian Government in particular. I frankly believe that most of the mistrust problem are rooted in NGO's experience with Indonesia before you got your present job.
(Laughter.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: It's a historical thing. And I think people look backwards. Secondly, I think trust is built by experience over time. Most people who distrust each other in the whole world, and not just in this context, in business or anything else, mostly it's based on a direct or an indirect, and often just a remembered, experience that has nothing to do with the moment of encounter. Once in a while you meet somebody and you look at them and you think, I don't trust them. Usually it's because of some past disappointment.
So my argument, I think the way to alleviate distrust –– and I know you used to be in charge of this and now you've got a whole separate ministry dealing with it –– but I think that it has to be done day by day, project by project. And I think what you should so, with all respect, is go to some of these NGO's that you know have cash money and you know have a connection with your country and people on the ground, and say, yes, I know you have $100 million to spend, let's spend $1 million doing this. If you find we're untrustworthy, you can keep the $99 million. If not, for goodness sake, spend the $100 million as quick as you can.
I really believe that the only way to begin this –– and you can have meetings and try to reach government accords and all that, that may take months –– but meanwhile, I think you should do that. But I think that doing something specific together and having it work is the best way to restore trust. That's what I believe. And I think if the government could go to these NGO's and say, listen, I know you want to do these things, let's do this one thing tomorrow. We'll start tomorrow. And if you're satisfied with us and you think we're trustworthy, then we'll go do the whole rest of it.
I think that's the way I would begin. My theory is always that people are always doing better when they're active, when they have something to look forward to in the morning and when their activity is something you can keep score on when it's over. You can say I did it or I didn't. So that's my advice, for whatever it's worth.
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Paul.
QUESTION: Three comments and a question, and I could make more comments in that vein. First of all, thank you, President Clinton, for taking this on. And I think the comments you've made are so much on the mark, it's hard to ask a question, but I've got one.
But there are three things that I think are absolutely critical that you've already underlined. One is the need for a plan to fit all of these incredibly diverse efforts into something that makes sense. I think they say quantity has a quality all its own. And one thing that Admiral Fargo and I were totally unprepared for when we visited the tsunami region, especially in Indonesia, was just the sheer scale. I mean, you knew about tragedy. We met with people who had lost, in one case that I know of, a man who lost six other members of his extended family and he and his aunt and uncle here in Washington were the only survivors.
But when you go on and on and on, as you have, and you see that it just doesn't stop. I remember we were briefed in Thailand that there were 36 bridges that were out. And we thought we'll have a plan for fixing the 36 bridges. That you can conceive of fairly easily. Until you get there and you see there is no roads connecting any of the bridges that are out. And if you're an Acehnese who has lost their home, you can't imagine where they begin. So the need for a plan to put it all together I think is critical.
The second thing, the sense of urgency that you underscored and the caution you expressed about yes, there has been an enormous amount achieved so far in terms of probably tens of thousands of people who are alive today that wouldn't be thanks to the immediate relief efforts. And it has produced, as you said, an amazing change in Indonesian opinion. But all of that will probably vanish, or most of it, and certainly the change in opinion, if the reconstruction effort, which is even more formidable, isn't carried forward.
And third, your point about let's not draw this too narrowly. I've had many conversations with Sri Mulyani since that trip. And the thing that comes home to me is, as the Minister of Development for Indonesia, she had one of the most formidable tasks in the world before the tsunami. It's one of the major recipients of World Bank assistance. It's a country that has made a lot of progress but has huge challenges. And she still has those challenges. They didn't go away when the tsunami happened. And as you pointed out, if the reconstruction is completely successful and leaves the rest of the country feeling left behind, it will have adverse effects.
The question I wanted to ask you is on this last point about trust in the government. So far, all of what you said about the reasons for distrust are there, but there is one more even more fundamental. And that is Aceh is a unique part of Indonesia, with a unique language and a unique culture, and unfortunately a unique and tragic history. And a part of that history has been extraordinary –– I guess I don't have to be too diplomatic anymore –– abused by the Indonesian military. Sorry, Ambassador, but it's a fact, and I think you know it.
And it seems to me, going forward, we need to work together. And the question is any thoughts that you have about how to have the Indonesian military play a positive, constructive role in the reconstruction. Because it seems to me, if they're excluded, we will have problems. But if they play their traditional role, we'll also have problems. It seems to me they're a big part of the equation now, and it's important to figure out how to include them. And I wonder if you have any magic answers.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, I'm not sure I do. But I know this. For example, there was a story in the press just some time in the last 10 days dealing with this very issue, saying that the military, by and large, has gotten out of Aceh for just the reasons you said. And the government is very sensitive about this. But they also have a lot of construction skills, in the way our Army Corps of Engineers does, that aren't readily available anywhere else in Indonesia. So what I would try to do is to use the good conduct of the military as a way of reestablishing trust. And again, try to cut a deal with the local people.
The thing I liked about the Indonesian document was if you were an Indonesian you could read it and find your place in it and see where your country was going. The thing I liked about the Maldives document was it was the most user–friendly for foreign donors. So I just ask everybody else to do a version of their document that would be user–friendly for foreign donors, because that's my job is to go get you the money you need from all these sources.
But to go back to your problem, I actually think it could be a source of reconciliation for the people of Aceh to see their military there in a constructive, not a destructive, way. In the same way, in general, people saw the American military in a constructive, not a destructive, way. But I think that only they can answer how it might be done.
My own view is, again, find something specific that all the parties involved can agree on, and do that. Then it will be easy to go to another specific thing. But the thing that made the relief effort so moving was that everybody knew you needed clean water, clean food, the babies had to be kept alive. Everybody knew what had to be done. There was total unanimity on what had to be done. And you had all this money and all these supplies and all these new people there. But because there was unanimity about what had to be done, people felt better at the end of every day. Steadily, every day, they felt better because they were doing these things.
That's what we have to try to recreate in this much more difficult context. So my view is, what can the military do? What skills are in the Indonesian military that could properly be deployed today in Aceh, but for the feelings, rooted in the past, of abuse? So wouldn't they still be better off being redeployed? Can you cut a deal to do it in a few places? And if people like it, just maximize your options. That's the only advice I have, knowing no more than I do about it.
(Applause.)
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: The Foreign Minister of Thailand.
QUESTION: Thank you very much.
First of all, I would like to say that we deeply appreciate your traveling to Thailand and your involvement. You have stimulated the help that we have received. And of course Thailand has been playing a very active role with the U.S. in trying to bring help to our neighboring countries, too. And what we have been doing now of course is we are focusing a lot of attention on the setting up of the early warning system. And we are very pleased to coordinate with the U.S. experts and authorities, especially from Hawaii, in helping to set up this system and to actually prepare our people and of course visitors to the region to be able to protect themselves against any future problems.
Now, with that in mind, we of course would be very eager to work closely with the U.S. I don't have a particular question to ask you, because you have actually answered them during your talk. But I think what I would like to underline is that we appreciate the U.S. help, and we want to work with you.
In regards to the trust, especially when we talk about Aceh, I was recently in Indonesia. And what I have been getting from Indonesia is the feeling that because of the tsunami, the potential good news from that is that there is that element of trust being built in Aceh. And I hope that that process will continue. And we in Thailand will continue to work with our friends.
And of course in the southern part of Thailand, we have had some problems with certain groups using religion as a justification for acts of violence. In that sense, it seems that working together and building trust is something that we have in common with our neighbors, we have in common with you, and we are proceeding on the same track.
So thank you very much.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Thank you. If I might say, your presence here and your very eloquent statement triggered three points I would like to make very, very briefly.
Number one is there is going to be a regional early warning system now. And thank goodness the parties have more or less reached agreement on embracing a common and consistent technology. There has to be a base of it in every country, but I think we've largely resolved that. So now, for the donor countries and others who want to fund the early warning system, I think it's going to be done in a cost–effective way that is quality. And that's important.
The second thing I want to say is I think it's very important that this be seen as a part of disaster mitigation and emergency management. That we ought to make sure that all of these countries have stronger emergency management systems than before and they really have a sense of what the disaster mitigation options are.
And I keep going back to this raging controversy we've got in Sri Lanka between some of the local people, who don't want to build the houses back 100 meters from the shore and the government, who says it's necessary for safety. And there are all of these arguments. I don't want to get into the details now. But for example, we need to look at what our alternatives are for disaster mitigation. What if we built more breakwaters? A lot of these little fishing villages in Sri Lanka had breakwaters that actually reduced how far the water went inland.
The capital island of the Maldives had a big breakwater, I think constructed with Japanese assistance several years ago. And given the fact that the country lost 62 percent of its GDP, I expected to land and find that the capital was gone. But the capital was not gone. The capital was in remarkably good shape. And now they have plans to rebuild the island with high points on the islands that are residential islands where people can go, consistent with before.
So I think that we need some real thought to not only seeing this early warning system through, which I heartily support. And I thank all the countries involved for agreeing on the basic technology and cooperation, but also disaster mitigation and emergency management. I know that Mr. Witt has been to your country and done some work there already, but I think that's important.
The last point I want to make about this is this. One of the things that the private sector could do a lot to help, in Thailand, Sri Lanka and the Maldives in particular, is to get the tourists to go back. Hold conventions there. We're going to have to give a lot more government aid over the long run if we don't get the private economy up.
And a lot of the tourists facilities are back and open for business and in good shape, and nobody is showing up, because they are waiting for the next tsunami or because they just assume, because of the pictures they saw, that nothing has been rebuilt. So the pace of recovery of the tourist sector in those three places is far slower than it should have been.
So anything we can do to increase the publicity we give and maybe any big international companies with a strong Asian presence, if you could even think about putting a convention there or a meeting there, anything that would accelerate the pace of the recovery of the tourism economy, quite apart from anything you're doing with the NGO's and aid and everything else, could have a very big impact. Otherwise, we're going to lose a whole year in all these countries that we don't need to lose because people assume that either the tsunami is about to hit them again or they're not really open for business, when they are.
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: President Clinton has time for one more question. I would just comment, Mr. President, on your last point. The Asia Society is holding our corporate conference next month in Bangkok. The Thais came to us as soon as the tsunami hit and said, stick to your schedule. And we began discussions this morning with the Maldives about perhaps holding an Indian Ocean conference. I know one of the hotels has just put $150 million into this new resort, and we'd like to visit it.
I don't want to short–shrift Sri Lanka, India, Malaysia, but I think we only have time for one more question. And since the Maldives gets so little attention, and since your whole country, I don't think this has ever happened before in history, went underwater, and the President has praised your plan, which I might add, Mr. President, is available for all of you outside, so I urge you to read it. I would invite the Minister from Maldives to make a question. And then I'll ask President Clinton to respond, and then close this part of the conference.
QUESTION: Thank you very much, Ambassador Holbrooke.
At the outset, I will thank President Clinton for all the kind words he said about Maldives. It's a nice feeling to be pampered.
The question that I want to ask you is, I think a lot of delays that are being caused is because it's delicate ground. But I think it's because of the procurement systems that we have adopted, both nationally and internationally, the various procurement systems which cause a lot of delays. So I know these systems have been developed to uphold the good ethics of governments, of avoiding corruption, but still my experience is that we are experiencing some kind of delays because of these systems.
Have you any thoughts on this, how we could improve on procurement systems, without giving way for corruption and other disadvantages in governance?
PRESIDENT CLINTON: The honest short answer is no, not yet. Because you're the first person who has said that to me. But I'll tell you what I will do. I will try to get a readout on each affected country and whether there is undue delay on their procurement system and then on the procurement policies of the major donor governments, corporations and NGO's. And the man who is helping me on this, my deputy at the U.N. is Erskine Bowles, who is my Chief of Staff, is about the best manager I ever worked with in my life, and we'll put somebody on this and see what we can do to accelerate it if we can.
I thank you. And I thank you for the way you phrased it. Because President Bush said something in his remarks I want to echo. I hope this giving will pre–figure a much higher level of international development contributions by private individuals and companies. Because they can move money quicker. And we can create a whole new entrepreneurialism, social entrepreneurialism if you will, and economic entrepreneurialism, in the developing nations when no disaster occurs if we can prove that with this money we have done a very high–quality job.
So the transparency and the accountability is important. But it's important not to let the thing just get bogged down in delay. So I will do what I can to fix that problem. But I thank you for the way you said it, because President Bush is right. If we look like we messed it up, then people will never give this kind of money again. And if it looks like we did an extraordinarily good job, then we can get people, I hope, in their individual and corporate capacities to give this kind of money for the larger development needs that are necessary to meet the Millennium Development goals.
So that's my long–term goal here. But I will work on it. I just have to put somebody on it. That's a technical question, or a set of questions, that I don't have the answer to.
AMBASSADOR HOLBROOKE: Mr. President, thank you. All of you in the room I'm sure can see why it was such an honor and a thrill to work in the administration of President Clinton. And we are all deeply grateful to you for your willingness to take so much time out of your schedule to work on this great tragedy. And thank you for inspiring us today.
Please join me in thanking President Clinton.
(Applause.)

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